{"id":1073,"date":"2026-01-04T21:30:33","date_gmt":"2026-01-04T13:30:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/veyonconsultant.com\/?p=1073"},"modified":"2026-01-04T21:30:34","modified_gmt":"2026-01-04T13:30:34","slug":"from-decapitation-to-de-facto-trusteeship","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/veyonconsultant.com\/ms\/2026\/01\/04\/from-decapitation-to-de-facto-trusteeship\/","title":{"rendered":"From Decapitation to De Facto Trusteeship"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Strategic Logic, Energy Restructuring, and Global Monetary Order Shock of the US Takeover of Venezuela<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Executive Summary<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On January 3, Eastern Time, US President Donald Trump announced that US forces had successfully captured Venezuelan President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and his wife. This surprise operation sent shockwaves through the international community. This report argues that the action is the first real-world application of the Trump Administration’s “Trump Corollary”<\/strong> (a modern interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine), with the core motivations being the restructuring of the Western Hemisphere’s geopolitical order<\/strong> and the acquisition of Venezuela’s vast oil resources<\/strong>. While the capture operation created immediate political impact, its long-term effectiveness<\/strong> and legitimacy<\/strong> face severe challenges. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Core Findings:<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  1. Complexity of Regime Disintegration:<\/strong>\u00a0The capture of Maduro alone does not automatically dismantle the\u00a0complex network of vested interests<\/strong>\u00a0composed of high-ranking military officials and political elites. The key to regime collapse lies in military loyalty; while signs of infighting among the top brass are\u00a0emerging, the remnants of the regime still\u00a0possess\u00a0the capacity for resistance.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
      \n
    1. Legitimacy Dispute of Military Action:<\/strong>\u00a0Although a senior US Air Force General (John Daniel Kane) attributed the timing to weather factors, a systemic analysis reveals that the operation occurred during the Congressional New Year recess, when the constraints of the War Powers Resolution on the President are at their weakest. By creating a\u00a0fait accompli<\/em>, the space for Congressional choice is significantly compressed. Even if not the sole driver,\u00a0the\u00a0utilization\u00a0of this institutional window\u00a0constitutes\u00a0a strategic advantage<\/strong>.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
        \n
      1. Return of the Monroe Doctrine:<\/strong>\u00a0The action signals a return of US foreign policy from “strategic retrenchment” to\u00a0“unilateral interventionism.”<\/strong>\u00a0The deeper motivations are oil interests and the deterrence of anti-US Latin American states. Trump’s promise that US oil majors will invest aims to rapidly restore Venezuela’s oil production capacity.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
          \n
        1. Shock to the “Petro-Yuan” System:<\/strong>\u00a0As a testing ground for China’s push for yuan-settled oil trade, the operation\u00a0constitutes\u00a0a\u00a0severe symbolic and substantive blow<\/strong>\u00a0to the “Petro-Yuan” system. China’s\u00a0hundred-billion-dollar investments<\/strong>\u00a0in Venezuela face immense political and economic risks.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
            \n
          1. Scenario Analysis:<\/strong>\u00a0The most probable scenario is\u00a0“Protracted Resistance and Internal Conflict,”<\/strong>\u00a0where remnants of the Maduro regime and its supporters engage in long-term guerrilla warfare, potentially dragging the US into a quagmire and triggering a humanitarian crisis.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

            I. Political Disintegration and the Expectation of Regime Collapse<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            1.1 Impact and Limitations of the Capture Operation on the Maduro Regime<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            The capture of Maduro signifies the removal of the symbolic core<\/strong> of the Venezuelan regime, but it does not automatically equate to the regime’s disintegration. The core support for the Maduro regime is not the President himself, but a complex network of vested interests comprising high-ranking military officials (such as Defense Minister Padrino), intelligence agencies, political elites (such as Cabello), and the state oil company (PDVSA). These elites have formed a “symbiotic”<\/strong> relationship through corruption and control over state resources over the past two decades. As long as this network of interests is not completely destroyed, the core power structure of the regime may continue to operate. Following the capture, Maduro’s core allies may still hold power and attempt to establish a “post-Maduro” military oligarchy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            Historical experience suggests that military or judicial actions targeting only the supreme leader rarely lead to the immediate collapse of highly networked authoritarian regimes<\/strong>. The true key lies in: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

              \n
            • Whether the military changes its risk assessment\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                \n
              • Whether the bureaucracy enters a “self-preservation mode”\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                  \n
                • Whether the elite class forms a consensus that the “regime is unsustainable”\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                  1.2 Manufacturing the “Expectation of Regime Collapse”?<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Based on the above considerations, the surprise attack is more geared towards manufacturing an “expectation of regime collapse,”<\/strong> inducing infighting among the military high command or defection among mid-to-low-level officers, thereby achieving regime change at minimal cost. By capturing the President rather than launching a full-scale invasion, the psychological warfare and elite maneuvering convey three signals to the Venezuelan military and political elite: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                    \n
                  1. The supreme leader cannot be protected.<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
                      \n
                    1. External forces\u00a0possess\u00a0the capability for precise intervention.<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n
                        \n
                      1. The risk of continued loyalty has significantly increased.<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

                        This path of psychological disintegration is highly similar to the late stages of the Libyan Gaddafi regime. However, the difference lies in the fundamental distinction between the Venezuelan and Libyan regime structures. The Gaddafi regime relied on tribal militias, while the Venezuelan military has undergone two decades of “coup-proofing”<\/strong> through purges and the placement of loyalists in key positions, forming a “supreme loyalty”<\/strong> to Maduro. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                        II. Legitimacy of Military Action and Domestic Political Maneuvering<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                        2.1 The War Powers Resolution (WPR) and the “Vacuum Period” Strike<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                        The surprise attack occurred on January 3 (12:00 PM ET), during the New Year holiday, when the US Congress was in a state of de facto<\/em> recess and low responsiveness. The timing of this action, from an institutional analysis perspective, is highly politically motivated. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                        2.1.1 Institutional Constraints of the War Powers Resolution (WPR)<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                        The core purpose of the 1973 War Powers Resolution (WPR) is to limit the President’s discretion in unilaterally initiating military action. Its key provisions include: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                          \n
                        • The President must\u00a0submit\u00a0a formal report to Congress within\u00a048 hours<\/strong>\u00a0of committing US armed forces to “hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated.”\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                            \n
                          • Military action not authorized by a declaration of war by Congress cannot exceed\u00a060 days<\/strong>.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                              \n
                            • If Congress explicitly opposes the action, the President must complete the withdrawal within an\u00a0additional\u00a030 days<\/strong>.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                              From an institutional design perspective, the WPR does not prevent the President from taking the “first strike,” but rather limits the duration and escalation of military action through time pressure and political oversight. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                              2.1.2 Political Calculus of the “Vacuum Period” Strike<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                              Choosing to launch the attack during a Congressional recess and holiday period offers clear institutional advantages: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                \n
                              • Congress is unable to quickly complete cross-party coordination, hearings, or form a countervailing resolution within the 48-hour window.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                  \n
                                • The media agenda is dispersed during the holiday, delaying initial public reaction.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                    \n
                                  • The action creates a\u00a0fait accompli<\/em>. Even if Congress opposes it, it can only\u00a0respond\u00a0ex post facto<\/em>.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                    From a political realism perspective, this maneuver is not a “violation” of the WPR, but a precise exploitation of its procedural weaknesses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                    2.1.3 Political Interpretation of General Kane’s “Weather Factor” Statement<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                    US Air Force General John Daniel Kane publicly stated that the timing of the operation was primarily based on weather conditions. From a military-technical standpoint, this explanation is not without merit\u2014airborne assaults and special operations are indeed highly dependent on weather windows. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                    However, in the context of political analysis, this statement should be viewed as a standardized institutional cover language<\/strong>. Its functions are to: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                      \n
                                    • Reduce the intensity of political accusations regarding “circumventing Congressional oversight.”\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                        \n
                                      • Depoliticize and\u00a0technicalize\u00a0the strategic decision.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                          \n
                                        • Preserve the President’s room for\u00a0maneuver in\u00a0legal and public opinion.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                          In other words, the “weather factor” is not necessarily false, but it is insufficient to explain the entire decision-making logic. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                          2.2 Domestic Public Opinion and Partisan Political Response<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                          The American public generally opposes military intervention in Venezuela, providing strong political ammunition for Democrats and anti-war Republicans. The US public’s general “fatigue” with military intervention in Latin America stems from: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                            \n
                                          • The long shadow of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                              \n
                                            • Widespread skepticism about the effectiveness of “regime change interventions.”\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                \n
                                              • Prioritization of domestic economic, inflation, and social issues.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                In this context, Venezuela is not viewed by most Americans as a “direct threat.” <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                Political Stance<\/strong> <\/td>Percentage Opposing Military Action (Dec 2025)<\/strong> <\/td>Political Points of Attack<\/strong> <\/td><\/tr>
                                                Democrats<\/strong> <\/td>89% <\/td>Attacking Trump for circumventing Congress<\/strong> and violating the spirit of the Constitution<\/strong>, and questioning the legitimacy<\/strong> and long-term strategy<\/strong> of the action. <\/td><\/tr>
                                                Independents<\/strong> <\/td>68% <\/td>Questioning the necessity and cost<\/strong> of the action, fearing the US will be drawn into a new “quagmire.” <\/td><\/tr>
                                                Republicans<\/strong> <\/td>33% <\/td>Anti-war Republicans will attack Trump for breaking his campaign promise of “not starting a new war,”<\/strong> especially given Trump’s self-proclaimed status as the “only US President not to start a war” and his pursuit of the Nobel Peace Prize. <\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

                                                III. Geopolitical Motivation and the Return of the “Monroe Doctrine”<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                3.1 The “Trump Corollary” and the Modern Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                The surprise attack signals a return of US foreign policy from “strategic retrenchment” to “unilateral interventionism,”<\/strong> representing the first real-world application of the “Trump Corollary.”<\/strong> Although the Trump Administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy (NSS) advocates for “strategic retrenchment” and “focusing on the homeland,” its core is “peace through strength,” and it identifies mass migration, organized crime, and “hostile foreign powers” as major threats. Trump explicitly mentioned the Monroe Doctrine at the press conference, referring to it as the “Donroe Doctrine.”<\/strong> The core of this corollary is that the US will ensure the security and stability of the Western Hemisphere, exclude the influence of external major powers (specifically China and Russia), and use military means<\/strong> to address perceived “threats.” <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                3.2 Energy Takeover: The True Strategic Focus<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                3.2.1 Oil Interests: The Dual Logic of Energy Security and Market Control<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                (a) Venezuela’s Strategic Energy Status<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                Venezuela possesses approximately 303 billion barrels<\/strong> of proven crude oil reserves, accounting for about 17%<\/strong> of the world’s proven reserves, consistently ranking first globally. This fact gives it structural importance in energy politics, even though its current production capacity is severely damaged. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                Although Venezuelan crude oil is predominantly ultra-heavy crude, it presents the following challenges: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                  \n
                                                • High density and viscosity, leading to high extraction and transportation costs.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                    \n
                                                  • Extreme dependence on extraction equipment, diluents, and refining technology.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                      \n
                                                    • High demand for capital-intensive, long-term infrastructure investment.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                      From the US perspective, these “technical difficulties” precisely constitute a strategic barrier\u2014only a few international oil majors with the necessary technology and capital can intervene, and US companies possess a clear comparative advantage in this area. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                      (b) “Controlling the Recovery Path” is More Important than Short-Term Output<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                      Trump explicitly stated at the press conference that US oil majors would enter Venezuela to invest and build oil extraction infrastructure. The strategic implication of this statement is not how many barrels per day will be added in the short term, but rather: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                        \n
                                                      • Who will lead the path and pace of production\u00a0recovery.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                          \n
                                                        • Who will\u00a0determine\u00a0the infrastructure, pipelines, export destinations, and settlement\u00a0systems.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                            \n
                                                          • Who will restructure Venezuela’s energy governance.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                            In other words, the US is not pursuing “buying oil,” but rather reasserting control over the Venezuelan oil system<\/strong>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                            (c) Technological and Institutional Advantages of US Oil Majors<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                            Among all US oil companies, Chevron<\/strong> holds a particularly critical position: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                              \n
                                                            • Chevron is currently the only US oil major still authorized to\u00a0operate\u00a0in Venezuela.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                \n
                                                              • It has long-term experience\u00a0participating\u00a0in projects in Venezuela’s Orinoco Belt, which holds heavy oil.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                  \n
                                                                • It\u00a0possesses\u00a0the technology for upgrading, diluting, and blending ultra-heavy crude.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                    \n
                                                                  • It is familiar with operating models for cooperation with the state oil company (PDVSA) in high-political-risk environments.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                                    Besides Chevron, companies like ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, although previously withdrawn due to nationalization disputes, still possess the potential to return, given their advantages in technology, capital, and arbitration mechanisms. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                    From a strategic perspective, a large-scale return of US oil companies will: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                    • Exclude the influence of China and Russia in the energy sector.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                        \n
                                                                      • Re-embed Venezuela into the dollar-denominated energy system.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                          \n
                                                                        • Enhance the US’s leverage in global energy supply and price formation.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          3.3 Deterrence of Anti-US Latin American States<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          3.3.1 The “Venezuela Case” as a Demonstration Project<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          This action is not only aimed at Venezuela itself but also serves a clear function of demonstration and deterrence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          The signal to anti-US or pro-China\/Russia states in Latin America, such as Cuba, Nicaragua, and Bolivia, is clear: “Challenging US dominance in the Western Hemisphere will face direct, rapid, and irreversible consequences.”<\/strong> This differs from previous strategies relying on sanctions and diplomatic isolation, representing a clear escalation in the toolkit. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          3.3.2 A Warning to External Major Powers Intervening in Latin America<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          In recent years, the presence of China and Russia in Latin America has significantly increased. China deepens its influence through loans, energy investments, and the yuan settlement system, while Russia establishes footholds through military cooperation, intelligence, and political support. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                          Venezuela is one of the most important strategic nodes for both in Latin America. Therefore, this action is essentially a warning to external major powers: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                            \n
                                                                          • Latin America\u00a0remains\u00a0the core sphere of influence for the US.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                              \n
                                                                            • There is a clear red line\u00a0regarding\u00a0the “Belt and Road” Initiative and de-dollarization experiments in the Western Hemisphere.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              IV. Shock to the “Petro-Yuan” System and Chinese Interests<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              4.1 Shock to the “Petro-Yuan” System<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              The capture of Maduro constitutes a severe symbolic and substantive blow to the “Petro-Yuan” system. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              As a symbolic blow, the attack once again proves that attempts to challenge dollar hegemony often end in regime change, which will cause other potential “Petro-Yuan” partners (such as Saudi Arabia and Iran) to doubt the political risk<\/strong> of cooperating with China. The more substantive blow is that the US-led power transition will rapidly restore dollar-based oil settlement, leading to the disintegration of the yuan settlement infrastructure established by China in Venezuela. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              4.2 China’s Investment Losses in the Region<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              China’s total investment and loans in Venezuela are substantial. Following this attack, China’s investments concentrated in the oil, infrastructure, and loan sectors will suffer significant losses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              In terms of oil cooperation, investments by the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) and private enterprises (such as China Concord Resources Corp, which planned to invest $1 billion) will face immense risks. These include contract cancellation, nationalization of the oil industry, and scrutiny by the new government. China’s infrastructure projects in Venezuela, such as high-speed rail and power, may also face losses due to loan defaults and project stagnation caused by the new government’s debt restructuring<\/strong>. Furthermore, the repayment prospects for the tens of billions of dollars in loans<\/strong> provided by China to Venezuela will depend on the willingness and capability of the new government. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              V. Scenario Analysis: What Does US “Management” of Venezuela Mean?<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                              Trump’s statement that “the US will ‘manage’ Venezuela until we can achieve a safe, appropriate regional transfer of power” represents a US-led transition period<\/strong>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                \n
                                                                              • Military Occupation and Administrative Control:<\/strong>\u00a0“Management” implies a\u00a0limited military occupation<\/strong>\u00a0by the US, controlling critical infrastructure (such as oil facilities, ports, and airports), and\u00a0establishing\u00a0a\u00a0temporary administrative body<\/strong>\u00a0led by the US.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
                                                                                  \n
                                                                                • “Safe, Appropriate Regional Transfer of Power”:<\/strong>\u00a0This means the US will ensure that the future Venezuelan regime is\u00a0pro-US, democratic<\/strong>, and capable of safeguarding the\u00a0economic and security interests<\/strong>\u00a0of the US and its allies.\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  Scenario Analysis<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  Scenario<\/strong> <\/td>Description<\/strong> <\/td>Probability Assessment<\/strong> <\/td>Subsequent Impact<\/strong> <\/td><\/tr>
                                                                                  Scenario I: Rapid Disintegration and Transition<\/strong> <\/td>The core of the Maduro regime quickly collapses, the military high command defects, and a US-backed interim government (e.g., Guaid\u00f3) is swiftly established. <\/td>Low<\/strong> <\/td>Short-term stability in international oil prices, a political victory for the US, but long-term challenges in reconstruction remain. <\/td><\/tr>
                                                                                  Scenario II: Protracted Unstable Trusteeship<\/strong> <\/td>The military splits, local armed groups and the gray economy remain active, and the US is drawn into a low-intensity, long-term conflict. <\/td>Medium-High<\/strong> <\/td>Leads to a severe humanitarian crisis and refugee outflow, domestic US public backlash, and soaring military expenditure. <\/td><\/tr>
                                                                                  Scenario III: Outbreak of Proxy Conflict<\/strong> <\/td>Russia and China adopt asymmetric responses, and anti-US Latin American states intensify their confrontation narrative. <\/td>Medium-Low<\/strong> <\/td>The situation escalates into a geopolitical crisis between major powers, with Venezuela becoming a new “proxy battleground.”<\/strong> <\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  The action will cause irreversible damage<\/strong> to the US’s long-term credibility in Latin America. While it deters anti-US states in the short term, in the long run, it will intensify the anxiety of Latin American nations regarding US “hegemonism,”<\/strong> prompting them to seek closer ties with external major powers like China and Russia to balance US influence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  VI. Conclusion<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  This surprise attack is not an isolated military action, but a: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  “Strategic intervention in the name of security, centered on energy, and aimed at the restructuring of order.”<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  It is both an attempt to reshape the Venezuelan regime and a preemptive strike against the non-dollar energy settlement system. Its true impact will gradually unfold over the coming years through the restructuring of energy, regional order, and great power competition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                                  <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

                                                                                  The Strategic Logic, Energy Restructuring, and Global Monetary Order Shock of the US Takeover of Venezuela Executive Summary  On January 3, Eastern Time, US President Donald Trump announced that US forces had successfully captured Venezuelan President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and his wife. This surprise operation sent shockwaves through the international community. This report argues that the […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":1074,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"iawp_total_views":13,"_joinchat":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1073","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"yoast_head":"\nFrom Decapitation to De Facto Trusteeship - Veyon Consultant Sdn Bhd<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/veyonconsultant.com\/ms\/2026\/01\/04\/from-decapitation-to-de-facto-trusteeship\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ms_MY\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"From Decapitation to De Facto Trusteeship - Veyon Consultant Sdn Bhd\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Strategic Logic, Energy Restructuring, and Global Monetary Order Shock of the US Takeover of Venezuela Executive Summary  On January 3, Eastern Time, US President Donald Trump announced that US forces had successfully captured Venezuelan President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and his wife. This surprise operation sent shockwaves through the international community. 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